Opinion | To Whom It May Concern

I need to submit this column before we find out the results on Tuesday, so I'll add your name afterwards. Apologies for that! However, there's no need to be concerned, since the advice I have will be beneficial for either you, whether it’s Harris or Trump.

First point: Your success is just as much, if not more, a result of your opponent's weaknesses as it is of your own efforts. If President-elect Harris is your victory, appreciate that you weren’t up against a Republican challenger like Nikki Haley, who might have posed a greater threat than Donald Trump with his blunt rhetoric and divisive politics. Conversely, if it’s President-elect Trump that you can claim victory over, consider yourself fortunate that Kamala Harris was likely one of the least formidable candidates for the Democrats after Joe Biden. If you'd faced off against Governors Josh Shapiro of Pennsylvania or Gretchen Whitmer of Michigan, your position would have been far more precarious.

To put it simply, aside from your most devoted fans, a lot of Americans have negative feelings towards you or lack trust in you, and they’re not going to readily give you the benefit of the doubt. This brings us to the next point: Unlike Barack Obama in 2008, Ronald Reagan in 1980, or Lyndon Johnson in 1964, you don’t have a strong mandate for significant change. This is true even if your victory turns out to be bigger than what pre-election polls suggested, or if you secure majorities in Congress, or if supportive commentators celebrate you as the Savior of Democracy or the Defeater of the Woke, or any other similar title.

What occurs when presidents mistakenly believe they have a strong mandate? Take the example of Joe Biden. He initially assured Americans that he would serve as a transitional leader but then aimed for a role similar to that of Franklin Roosevelt. Since September 2021, his approval ratings have not been favorable. Similarly, consider George W. Bush following his re-election in 2004, when he vowed to implement significant reforms in immigration and social welfare. In the end, he accomplished neither, and his presidency became overshadowed by the Iraq insurgency, the mishandling of Hurricane Katrina, and ultimately, the financial collapse in 2008.

So, what can you achieve with your success? Here's a third idea: Begin with an initiative that will catch your critics off guard in a positive way. Recognize the value of political goodwill in gaining support and influence.

Harris faces skepticism over whether she is intellectually shallow, excessively progressive, and prepared for the demanding responsibilities of high office, particularly in foreign affairs. Meanwhile, concerns about Trump revolve around the perception that he not only has authoritarian tendencies but could also govern with tyranny. To alleviate these worries, Harris could advocate for a significant boost in the defense budget and select a homeland security secretary known for their focus on safety, potentially a Republican like Senator Jim Lankford from Oklahoma. On the other hand, Trump could help assuage concerns by continuing his initiatives on criminal justice reform and appointing a nonpartisan attorney general reminiscent of Gerald Ford's selection of Ed Levi, who was the president of the University of Chicago.

(I understand. But there's always hope.)

Another suggestion is to create an Office of Common Sense Reform that operates directly from the White House. It should be limited to no more than 30 staff members to avoid transforming into another large, enduring bureaucracy. Consider appointing either Philip K. Howard, who wrote "The Death of Common Sense," or Cass Sunstein, known for his work on regulatory reform during the Obama administration, as the inaugural director. The office should focus on streamlining permitting procedures, eliminating redundant regulations, and addressing other bureaucratic obstacles that hinder even simple infrastructure projects from finishing on schedule or within budget.

If Harris aims to construct three million new houses or if Trump intends to complete his border wall, they will require this.

In terms of foreign policy, it’s important to remember a straightforward principle: it’s better to focus on avoiding disasters than to chase ideal outcomes. With this in mind, reevaluate your priorities. What actions are necessary to stop China from attempting to take control of Taiwan? How can you prevent Iran from developing nuclear weapons? What steps can be taken to keep Russia from invading Ukraine and potentially targeting other countries? By addressing these pressing threats directly, America’s security will improve, and your role as the leader of the free world will strengthen, rather than getting bogged down in another futile effort to resolve issues like Israeli-Palestinian relations, North Korea's nuclear disarmament, or the root causes of migration from Latin America.

Sixth: Trust in the significance of smaller, more noticeable accomplishments. President Biden often highlights the enactment of the extensive Inflation Reduction Act. However, how many Americans can actually remember a specific aspect of it or identify a benefit they’ve received because of it? In contrast, people can easily understand legislative wins like the bipartisan 1994 Crime Bill, which put 100,000 police officers on the streets and helped enhance public safety in the long run.

Finally, even with calls for “change,” it's important to recognize that what most Americans really want from their government isn't radical shifts or flashy spectacles; it's effectiveness. Like Harry Truman, don't hesitate to rely on advisors who bring greater wisdom and experience than your own. Take a page from George H.W. Bush and Bill Clinton by being open to working together with those across the aisle. And remember Ronald Reagan’s favorite saying: “There are no bounds to what someone can achieve or where they can go if they don’t worry about who receives the praise.”

There are no boundaries to what a woman can achieve, either.

Bret Stephens is an opinion writer for The Times, where he covers topics related to foreign affairs, national politics, and cultural matters. Facebook

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