Fethullah Gülen, Turkish cleric and Erdoğan foe, 1941-2024

Fethullah Gülen, who passed away in a hospital in the United States on Sunday, was an Islamic preacher instrumental in assisting Recep Tayyip Erdoğan in gaining and solidifying his control in Turkey. However, he eventually turned into Erdoğan's most prominent adversary.

The 83-year-old religious leader, who has been living in a secluded mountain retreat in Pennsylvania for the last 25 years, developed a vast following of millions of supporters and sympathizers. At its height, this network held significant sway in the state.

The movement used its influence to assist Erdoğan in his fight against Turkey's traditional secular institutions, focusing on military personnel, opposition lawmakers, and journalists who opposed the controversial Justice and Development Party (AKP), which Erdoğan leads and that has garnered significant public support.

The backing would enable Erdoğan to emerge as the most influential and longest-reigning Turkish leader since Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, the nation’s founder. However, their alliance ultimately fell apart due to a battle for power, which escalated into a violent coup attempt that resulted in around 300 fatalities. Erdoğan accused Gülen of orchestrating it, labeling him a “terrorist” and likening his movement to a “virus.”

Gülen was born in a poor village in eastern Turkey, and he started preaching when he was still a teenager. He quickly advanced in the religious system, working as an imam at government-run mosques in western Turkey. By the time he was in his early 30s, many followers were drawn to his teachings, referring to him as hocaefendi, meaning "honourable teacher." Over the years, the strong devotion of his followers, the movement's methods for attracting new members, and its focus on secrecy led some critics to liken it to a cult.

Gülen spoke to the concerns of migrants from traditional rural areas who moved in large numbers to Turkish cities during the 1970s. He provided them with a dependable support system for finding jobs and places to live, while also emphasizing the value of education.

His educational institutions relied on a network of supporters to find talented students and assist them in obtaining jobs, frequently in key positions within society and government. Many people in Turkey now believe this approach had hidden intentions and was designed to gain power. A well-known video surfaced in 1999 where Gülen seemed to encourage his followers to "infiltrate the system" and "influence all the centers of power." He claimed that the video had been edited.

Gülen also established a large financial network, with followers typically expected to contribute around 10 percent of their earnings as donations. His supporters included notable entrepreneurs and even athletes, like Hakan Şükür, a former striker for Galatasaray and Turkey’s all-time leading goal scorer.

During the 1990s, Gülen started promoting discussions between different religions. This strategy allowed him to gain allies in the West, especially as the United States and its partners were looking for "moderate Muslims" to collaborate with after the events of September 11, 2001. However, the fundamental beliefs of his movement were still quite conservative, and Turkey's secular government looked at Gülen with suspicion.

Gülen, who has remained unmarried, relocated to the United States for medical reasons while he was being probed for allegedly plotting to penetrate government agencies and security forces with his followers. Despite a conviction he received in 2000 being later annulled, he chose to stay in the U.S. after obtaining a green card, aided by support from former CIA personnel and an ex-U.S. ambassador.

In 2011, Erdoğan expressed a heartfelt wish for Gülen to come back, stating, “We want to welcome back those who are distant and miss this homeland.” However, Gülen spent the rest of his life in a secluded estate in the Poconos, located in eastern Pennsylvania.

After Erdoğan’s AKP secured its initial national victory in 2002, individuals affiliated with Gülen played a significant role in the police and the judicial system, contributing to two major investigations that led to the imprisonment of numerous military officials. Over time, a considerable portion of the evidence used against these officers, which claimed they were attempting to topple the government, was revealed to be fabricated. However, these trials were instrumental in diminishing the power of a military that had a history of coups and was strongly against the Islamist-influenced AKP.

Gülen was largely perceived as instrumental in assisting Erdoğan secure a win in the 2010 referendum, which was crucial for establishing near-complete control over Turkey's judicial system. The Turkish leader expressed gratitude to “our brothers who supported us from across the ocean” for their contributions.

However, behind the curtain, strains were escalating. In 2013, Erdoğan closed down numerous Gülen schools and claimed that the movement was running a “parallel state.”

The Gülen movement struck back by releasing audio recordings that allegedly reveal Erdoğan and his family, along with close associates, talking about their earnings from illegal trade with Iran. Meanwhile, a legal case concerning a Turkish state bank that is supposedly tied to this scheme to evade sanctions is still ongoing in the federal courts in New York.

The clash between Erdoğan and the Gülenists culminated in a shocking climax on July 15, 2016. That day, tanks took to the streets and rogue pilots attacked with bombs, targeting both the Turkish parliament and the presidential palace in a violent coup attempt.

A visibly shaken Erdoğan made a FaceTime appearance on CNN Türk, urging his supporters to go out into the streets to help put an end to the uprising. The coup attempt ultimately fell short after a night filled with violence.

The Turkish president referred to the coup attempt as “a blessing from God” and likened the Gülen movement to a “malignant growth” that had spread throughout the nation and needed to be “removed.”

Erdoğan initiated a large-scale crackdown, detaining or dismissing tens of thousands of military personnel, government employees, educators, and judges, which significantly transformed the structure of the state. This incident further deteriorated the already tense relationship between Turkey, a member of NATO, and the United States, as Ankara accused Washington of not complying with requests to extradite Gülen. Gülen has consistently denied any involvement in orchestrating a coup.

The cleric and his movement, facing an unclear future, were disliked by many in Turkey's secular sectors and by more traditional supporters of Erdoğan. There was little outcry over the dismissal or imprisonment of numerous followers of Gülen, often based on weak evidence, following the failed coup. Most people seem to have accepted the president's assertion that the group was behind the coup attempt.

Nonetheless, there is still uncertainty surrounding the events of that night. The commander of the armed forces, who was captured at an air base during the coup attempt, and the intelligence chief were both never permitted to give their accounts to a parliamentary investigation. Furthermore, information regarding the intentions of the conspirators for the day following the coup has never been disclosed.

Gareth Jenkins, a British journalist living in Istanbul and a prominent expert on the movement, as well as a vocal critic, firmly believes that certain officers associated with the Gülen movement participated in the coup attempt.

He is still not convinced by the idea that their group orchestrated the plot. "Back then, I was quite doubtful about this story, and my skepticism has only increased since then," he explained. "I've spent countless nights trying to wrap my head around it. Nothing really adds up."